Παράλληλες Πράσινες Πορείες. Α sterner shade of Green10/02/2011
Μετά και από αυτά δε χρειάζονται περαιτέρω εξηγήσεις για τους στόχους και τον συμβολισμό της πρόσκλησης Γ. Φίσερ στο gremium υλοποίησης των στόχων της τρόικας.
Φτυσμένο από όλους ρετάλι της πολιτικής, μόλις για 6 1/2 μήνες αποτυχημένος υπουργός εξωτερικών της Γερμανίας, και, όπως υποσημειώνουν κομψά και υπαινικτικά, οι συνήθως φειδωλότατοι, διπλωμάτες της Βόννης:
«δεν πρέπει να ήταν λάθος του κου Φίσερ το μπλοκάρισμα του ειρηνευτικού σχεδίου μετά το βομβαρδισμό της Κινέζικης πρεσβείας στο Βελιγράδι από Αμερικανικά αεροπλάνα…»
«Η ΓΕΡΜΑΝΙΑ ΘΑ ΗΤΑΝ ΕΥΤΥΧΗΣ, ΑΝ ΕΙΧΕ ΕΡΩΤΗΘΕΙ, ΝΑ ΤΡΟΦΟΔΟΤΗΣΕΙ ΤΗ CIA ΜΕ ΑΚΡΙΒΕΣΤΕΡΟΥΣ ΑΕΡΟΧΑΡΤΕΣ ΤΗΣ ΠΕΡΙΟΧΗΣ …»
«… It was hardly the fault of Mr Fischer, notes one aide acidly, that the scheme (temporarily?) stalled after American aircraft bombed the Chinese embassy in Belgrade. If asked, the Germans would have been happy to give the CIA an up-to-date map…» by ECONOMIST…
Στο γερμανικό υπουργείο εξωτερικών άνοιξαν σαμπάνιες όταν εξαναγκάστηκε σε παραίτηση ο εξελικτικός καιροσκόπος, πρώην οδοφραγματιστής του Μάη του 68, οδηγός ταξί, αντι-αμερικάνος αντιϊμπεριαλιστής, ένθερμος υποστηρικτής και προπαγανδιστής στη γερμανική κοινή γνώμη των βομβαρδισμών κατά της Γιουγκοσλαβίας, για την οποία είχε πει στο Σ.Μιλόσεβιτς:
«ΘΑ ΣΟΥ ΚΑΝΩ ΤΗ ΜΕΓΑΛΗ ΣΕΡΒΙΑ ΠΟΥ ΟΝΕΙΡΕΥΕΣΑΙ ΕΝΑ ΛΟΥΤΡΟ ΑΙΜΑΤΟΣ, ΕΔΩ ΕΙΝΑΙ Ο ΖΩΤΙΚΟΣ ΧΩΡΟΣ ΤΗΣ ΜΕΓΑΛΗΣ ΓΕΡΜΑΝΙΑΣ»
Για να δικαιολογήσει τους βομβαρδισμούς δεν δίστασε να χρησιμοποιήσει εντατικά χαρακτηρισμούς όπως “μεγάλος χασάπης του Βελιγραδίου και υπεύθυνος για το Αουσβιτς του Κοσόβου”, φρασεολογία την οποία αναγκάστηκε να καταπιεί αργότερα, όταν άρχισαν να αποκαλύπτονται τα ψέματά τους. Ανεκτικός συνδαιτημόνας των εγκληματιών ναρκο-μουτζαχεντιν του προτεκτοράτου, κολλητός της φαραωνικής μαντάμ Ολμπράιτ, προσπαθούσε να εντάξει τους Ρώσους και τους Κινέζους στο «ειρηνευτικό σχέδιο» που προωθούσε… στο Συμβούλιο Ασφαλείας του ΟΗΕ, ενώ διπλωματικοί κύκλοι λένε πια, ότι ο βομβαρδισμός της Κινέζικης πρεσβείας στο Βελιγράδι από την Αμερικανική Αεροπορία οφειλόταν σε …μη ενήμερους αεροχάρτες της περιοχής στη διάθεση της CIA…
Τα υπόλοιπα, για τον καιροσκοπισμό του, τη λατρεία του στο χρήμα, και την ανέλιξή του, που είναι ακριβώς αυτή ενός αδίστακτου πρασινολαμόγιου, στο αιχμηρό διαμάντι του ΕCONOMIST:
Joschka Fischer, a sterner shade of Green, ή Στο κόσοβο, ο «πράσινος» είναι ωμός…
May 13th 1999, ECONOMIST
HIS skin looks greyer, his brow more lined. At times he pauses in mid-sentence, eyes staring as though into an abyss. Joseph (“Joschka”) Martin Fischer, former taxi-driver, factory-worker and (street) fighter against American “imperialism”, knew that being Germany’s foreign minister would be no Oktoberfest. That was one reason he so much wanted the job: to show the snooty establishment that had long shunned him just what he could do. Even so, he did not expect to be squeezed quite so fiercely from the very start between the Kosovo crisis on the one hand and his supposed colleagues and friends in the Green party on the other; still less that he might even be close to enforced resignation after only six-and-a-half months in office.
Not that Mr Fischer has proved a flop. For much of the time the opinion polls have shown him running level with Gerhard Schröder, the chancellor, as the country’s most popular politician. That is no mean feat for either, given the hazards of Germany’s current European Union presidency and, even more, of the war in Kosovo.
Ηis firm backing for NATO’s air strikes with German participation against the man he calls “the great butcher of Belgrade”; then his launching of a peace plan (admittedly, at first to gulps from some of Germany’s allies) aimed at breaking the Kosovo deadlock in the United Nations Security Council by getting the Russians and the Chinese to join in the search for an acceptable settlement. It was hardly the fault of Mr Fischer, notes one aide acidly, that the scheme (temporarily?) stalled after American aircraft bombed the Chinese embassy in Belgrade. If asked, the Germans would have been happy to give the CIA an up-to-date map..
Veteran foreign-ministry hands favourably compare their new boss to his predecessor-but-one, the legendary Hans-Dietrich Genscher: both for his deft east-west diplomacy and for his uncanny omnipresence, popping up on television in statesmanlike pose from, so it seems, several different countries at once. It was thanks not least to the peripatetic Mr Genscher’s high profile that his Free Democratic Party, Germany’s liberals, repeatedly won the 5% of the vote that is the minimum needed to win any seats in parliament. Now Mr Fischer is performing much the same trick for the Greens, the otherwise floundering junior coalition partner to Mr Schröder’s Social Democrats.
Not that Mr Fischer is getting much thanks for it. The Greens have always been suspicious of star allure and Mr Fischer—witty, vain, impatient—is nothing if not a star.
There are sneers at the ease with which the new “minister for external appearance” has swapped jeans and gymshoes for silk ties and natty suits—Cerrutis to Mr Schröder’s Brionis. Sceptics marvel at how much the inveterate jogger, mineral-water drinker and professed lover of the simple life suddenly seems to know about chateau-bottled wines and the finest cuisine. There were even a few sniffs from party stalwarts last month when Mr Fischer, just turned 51, went ahead with his fourth marriage, this time to a trainee journalist 22 years his junior. Jealousy, perhaps? At least no self-respecting Green could complain about the spot chosen for the wedding, the palm-tree-studded hothouse of Frankfurt’s botanical garden.
Such blunt criticism elicits from the intended victim little more than a shrug and a curled lip. Visibly more hurtful are two other closely linked charges: that Mr Fischer ditched traditional Green pacifism as soon as he came within striking distance of the foreign ministry, and that his ultra-fierce talk (now, admittedly, toned down) linking Kosovo to the Holocaust of Hitler’s Germany was just part of an attempt to calm a guilty conscience and justify NATO’s bombs.
Using the party as a springboard, snap some leading Greens and at least a strong minority of the party’s rank-and-file members, “Super-Joschka” bounced away into very distant orbit. Now, according to these critics, he needs hauling back to firm Green earth. Hence some of the toughest motions, demanding among other things an unconditional end to NATO’s bombing, prepared for a special party congress on Kosovo being held in the town of Bielefeld on May 13th. Approval of any of these motions would not so much pull Mr Fischer back to earth as force him from office.
Fair criticism of a gifted opportunist? Well, hardly. Although long opposed to German forces’ taking part in international peacekeeping, Mr Fischer reluctantly changed his mind after the Srebrenica massacre in Bosnia in 1995, a good three years before a red-Green coalition came to power in Bonn.
As for talking in the same breath about Kosovo and Auschwitz, he seems now to have realised that such comparisons can all too easily be misinterpreted, or dismissed as over-simplifications. But, as the son of refugee parents, he clearly finds it hard to control his fury over what the Serbs have done in Kosovo—or to curb his tongue. Like Hitler’s dream of a “greater Germany”, he once told President Slobodan Milosevic of Yugoslavia, the vision of a “greater Serbia” would dissolve in a sea of blood.
With his honour as well as his job on the line in Bielefeld, Mr Fischer was preparing, as The Economist went to press, for the battle of his life. Indeed, there was even more than that at stake in the Greens’ special congress. Ever since taking to the streets with other students in the late 1960s, Mr Fischer has worked for the day when Germany would have a government of the radical left. If he were to fall now, the red-Green coalition would almost certainly go too, quite possibly for good. Small wonder that his famous impish smile is rarer these days, his temper more than a little frayed. Kosovo is proving to be a test of many things, and one of them is whether a German Green can go to war with a steady heart for what he believes to be a deserving cause.